From Classroom to Prison, From Teacher to Enemy: How the Islamic Republic Turned Iran’s Education System into a Battlefield of Repression

Introduction

The 1979 Iranian Revolution promised profound social transformations; however, the fate of education and teachers, who play a vital role in shaping the future of any society, soon took a different path. In Iran’s contemporary history, teachers have consistently been among the most influential groups in social developments. An example before the revolution: In May 1961, during a nationwide teachers’ strike, Abolhassan Khanali, a teacher, was shot and killed by police in Tehran’s Baharestan Square, etching the memory of teachers’ struggle against injustice in people’s minds. After the 1979 revolution, it was expected that teachers, with greater freedom and more active participation, would contribute to improving the educational system and raising societal awareness. The new rulers even designated May 2nd (the anniversary of Morteza Motahhari’s assassination in 1979) as “Teacher’s Day,” ostensibly to honor the status of teachers. However, it gradually became clear that the Islamic Republic had no intention of tolerating the independent voice of teachers and was more focused on controlling and aligning the educational system with its official ideology.

In the years following the revolution, instead of being honored, teachers were repeatedly targeted by suppression and pressure. Over different decades, the government employed various methods to silence critical teachers; from purges and executions in the 1980s to the dismissal and exile of opponents, from controlling trade unions in the 1990s and 2000s to the complete securitization of union activities in the 2010s. This systematic suppression, which continues to this day, reflects the power structure’s fear of teachers’ social influence. In other words, whenever teachers attempted to protest for their professional rights or educational and social ideals, the government’s response was nothing but labeling them as “disruptors” and “enemies” and opening security cases against them.

This two-part analytical-documentary article, using a narrative and critical approach, examines the tumultuous journey of the Iranian teachers’ movement over four decades. In the first part, we begin with the roots and initial uprisings after the 1979 revolution and the onset of suppression in the 1980s. We then delve into the formation of trade associations in the 1990s and the widespread protests of the 2000s, reviewing the cases of prominent activists such as Esmail Abdi, Rasoul Bodaghi, Hashem Khastar, and others. The second part of the article will follow the trend of systematic suppression in the 2010s and the new century (2020s) up to the present day; from the securitization of the union space and the issuance of heavy prison sentences to the role of teachers in nationwide protests in recent years (especially the 2022 uprising) and the current situation of imprisoned teachers across Iran. The ultimate goal of this article, besides documenting events, is to demonstrate the importance of teachers’ role in Iranian society and the future prospects of this role; the role of a group of intellectuals who, despite suppression and pressure, can still be one of society’s main hopes for achieving freedom, justice, and awareness.

The Role of the New Regime in Changing Educational Policies, Eliminating Opposing Teachers, and Mobilizing Schools (Basij)

With the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979, Iran’s educational system was one of the first arenas subjected to ideological changes. The nascent government viewed education as a strategic tool for consolidating its ideology and consequently adopted policies that critics call the “Islamization” and “Basij-ization” of schools. In the early years after the revolution, with the occurrence of the “Cultural Revolution” (1980–1981), which initially targeted universities, the wave of purges also reached schools. Many teachers and school administrators with backgrounds of different political or religious affiliations (such as leftists, nationalists, Baha’is, Sunnis, or even supporters of the interim government) were dismissed or pressured. An education director later acknowledged that the dismissal of opposing teachers in the early revolution was similar to the purges of the 1980s. In other words, any teacher not aligned with the ideological line of the Islamic Republic was removed from the classroom.

Simultaneously, to fill the vacuum left by the purges, the regime pursued a policy of recruiting “value-oriented” individuals as teachers. Islamic and military organizations, including the “Student Basij” and the “Cultural Basij,” became active in schools to train the new generation according to the government’s values. The presence of ideological ‘upbringing’ instructors and clerics in schools became prominent. Even decades later, in 2021, the Ministry of Education, citing resolutions from the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, officially announced the hiring of 25,000 seminary students as teachers, framing it as part of the “Islamization of schools” program. This move faced strong criticism from teachers; the Teachers’ Trade Union Association protested in a statement in May 2021 that instead of addressing the livelihood problems and dignity of teachers, the government was planning the widespread recruitment of seminary students for teaching. However, from the regime’s perspective, entrusting the education of generations to ideologically loyal forces was seen as a guarantee for cultivating obedient students.

The result of the policies in the first decade of the revolution was that the educational system was emptied of many experienced yet independent teachers who had previously played a role in the revolution, and the body of teachers came increasingly under the supervision of security and ideological institutions. Basiji teachers and supporters of Imam Khomeini’s line took over the management of many schools, and textbooks were rewritten with official religious and political content. Meanwhile, those dissenting teachers who remained in the education system taught in a tense and insecure environment, knowing that the slightest criticism or union activity could lead to dismissal or worse.

The Atmosphere of Repression and Purges in the 1980s: Execution, Dismissal, and Exile of Teachers

The 1360s (1980s), coinciding with the war and the complete seizure of power by hardline clerics, marked one of the darkest periods for critical teachers. During this decade, thousands of political prisoners from opposition groups were executed, among whom were a significant number of teachers who lost their lives due to their political beliefs and activities or spent years in prison and exile. The systematic elimination of opponents began from the early days of the revolution; Ruhollah Khomeini explicitly issued orders for revolutionary executions against affiliates of the former regime and opponents in Bahman 1357 (February 1979), which were later applied against leftist groups and the Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK). Many teachers and educators who were active during the revolution or later opposed the autocratic policies of the Islamic Republic were caught in this wave of repression.

Prominent examples include Hormoz Gorji-Bayani and Seyyed Qorban Hosseini in Kermanshah. In 1358 (1979), these two founded the “Kermashan Teachers’ Association” (Kānun-e Mo’allemān-e Kermāshān) and engaged in independent union and political activities. Gorji-Bayani, a physics teacher and an activist in teachers’ strikes during the revolution, was arrested at his home just a few months after the revolution (Mordad 1358 / August 1979) and was executed by firing squad the same night, without trial, on charges of “waging war against God and corruption on Earth” (Moharebeh va Mofsed-e-filarz). Seyyed Qorban Hosseini, a teacher and supporter of the Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerrillas (Minority Faction), was dismissed from the Ministry of Education in the spring of 1358 (1979) and was eventually executed in Dizelabad Prison in Kermanshah in Dey 1361 (January 1983). This tragic fate was shared by numerous teachers and cultural figures active in the 1980s who were either sent to the execution squads or imprisoned for years.

The wave of executions in the summer of 1367 (1988) – during which several thousand political prisoners, including former members of the MEK and leftist groups, were massacred by Khomeini’s order – also included a number of imprisoned teachers. The names of some teachers executed in the 1980s, such as Seyyed Qorban Hosseini and Hormoz Gorji-Bayani, were revived years later as a reminder of the price paid by freedom-seeking educators. Additionally, Kazem Parsi (a teacher belonging to the Yarsan faith) and dozens of other teachers are counted among the victims of this decade.

Besides executions, the dismissal and exile of critical teachers occurred frequently in the 1980s. Any teacher with the slightest affiliation to opposition forces or even criticism of educational policies was removed from the system. While precise statistics on dismissed teachers from that period are unavailable, evidence indicates a widespread purge. For instance, in the early years of the revolution, hundreds of teachers were dismissed for political reasons in just one province. Some teachers were forced to leave the country, and the wave of “brain drain”, usually discussed in the context of academics, also included school educators.

The atmosphere of fear and repression in the 1980s effectively rendered any union or collective activity by teachers impossible. Teachers had to either remain silent and submit to the existing situation or risk their lives and freedom. Under such conditions, the social role of the teacher, which could have involved enlightenment and nurturing a critical generation, was reduced by the government to a passive and dependent role. The ruling establishment attempted to turn teachers into mouthpieces for official propaganda, and those who did not comply were eliminated or marginalized in various ways. With the end of the war and the beginning of the 1370s (1990s), although the intensity of overt repression decreased, the legacy of that bloody decade cast a long shadow over Iran’s education system for years.

The 1990s: Formation of Teachers’ Associations within the Context of the Reformist Government

With the beginning of the 1370s (1990s), and particularly the latter half of the decade, Iran’s political and social atmosphere opened up slightly. Following Khomeini’s death in 1368 (1989) and the end of the war, the governments of Hashemi Rafsanjani and later Seyed Mohammad Khatami promoted slogans of reconstruction and political development. These relative changes provided limited breathing room and organizational opportunities for professional groups, including teachers. During Khatami’s reform era (1376–1384 / 1997–2005), the formation of teachers’ trade associations officially began.

Some reports indicate the year 1377 (1998) as the time when the first teachers’ professional organizations were formed and registered in the Islamic Republic. By 1379 (2000), the number of these organizations reached five associations in the cities of Tehran, Isfahan, Khorasan (Mashhad), Fars (Shiraz), and Hamedan, which succeeded in holding general assemblies and electing representatives. This was the first time since the revolution that teachers could officially gather and form a civil institution to pursue their demands. The convergence of these few nascent organizations in the final days of 1380 (early 2002) led to the formation of a comprehensive body named the “Coordinating Council of Iranian Teachers’ Trade Associations” (Shorā-ye Hamāhangi-e Tashakkolhā-ye Senfi-e Farhangiyān-e Irān). This council emerged to nationalize the teachers’ union movement and became a communication bridge between associations in different provinces.

In the relatively open atmosphere of the late 1990s, teachers’ professional demands were increasingly articulated. After two decades of revolution, the education system faced chronic problems such as low teacher salaries, an inefficient ranking system, discrimination against retired educators, lack of educational facilities, and a growing student population. The newly established trade associations tried to address these issues through statements, meetings, and some peaceful gatherings. For example, in 1380 (2001), teachers in Tehran and several other cities held protests regarding their living conditions, although these were scattered and had limited impact.

The Khatami government had a dual approach towards these associations: on the one hand, advocating for civil society, it issued permits for their activities; on the other hand, it was under pressure from hardline factions and parallel power institutions (like the IRGC Intelligence) that opposed any independent organization. Nevertheless, the atmosphere of social hope during the reform era led many teachers to connect with civil movements. Alongside students and journalists, they demanded structural reforms and hoped for the elimination of discrimination and freedom of expression. The scattered strikes of 1380–1382 (2001–2003) and the presence of teachers in protests during those years showed that dissatisfaction with the state of education was no longer confined to discussions within schools but had spilled onto the streets and into the public sphere.

In 1378 (1999), the peak of the student movement, the Tehran Teachers’ Trade Association was also established and began operating with a license from the Ministry of Interior. Esmail Abdi, who later became a well-known figure, was among the new generation members of these associations. Ali Akbar Baghani and Mahmoud Beheshti Langroudi were among the founders of the Tehran association. Publications like “Qalam-e Mo’allem” (Teacher’s Pen) were published during this period, reflecting the voice of critical teachers. Thus, the late 1990s can be considered the era of the birth of the post-revolution teachers’ union movement; a movement that, although nascent and limited, sowed the seeds of organization among educators across the country.

The 2000s: Increased Pressure on Union Activities; 1385 (2006) Protests, Judicial Sentences, and Security Interference

Entering the 1380s (2000s), teachers’ union movements became more organized, but simultaneously, government repression intensified. The government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (1384–1392 / 2005–2013), which came to power with a populist and security-oriented discourse, adopted an aggressive approach against independent associations. Although teachers’ protests regarding living and educational conditions had been ongoing since the early 2000s, the turning point was the year 1385 (2006). In this year and the following year (1386 / 2007), teachers in many cities staged gatherings and sit-ins, constituting the largest teachers’ union movement in the history of the Islamic Republic up to that time.

The first spark occurred in late 1385 (Esfand / March 2007). On Esfand 15, 1385 (March 6, 2007), and subsequently in the final days of Esfand and early Farvardin 1386 (late March 2007), thousands of teachers gathered in Tehran (in front of the Islamic Consultative Assembly) and dozens of other cities. Their main demand was the implementation of the coordinated salary payment system and wage increases, which had been overdue for years. Reports indicate that more than 10,000 teachers participated in the Baharestan gathering in Tehran, chanting slogans such as “The Minister of Education must be dismissed” and “Schools will be closed from tomorrow”. These protests, initially peaceful and without confrontation, provoked the government’s sensitivity as their number and scope increased.

Eventually, the government decided to suppress the movement. On Esfand 23, 1385 (March 14, 2007) and Farvardin 1, 1386 (March 21, 2007) (during major gatherings), police and special forces attacked the protesting teachers, arresting hundreds of people. According to The Guardian, up to 1,000 teachers were arrested in Tehran during these protests. Riot police attacked the educators’ gathering in front of the parliament with batons, injuring some and forcing many into vans to be taken to detention centers. At least 150 detained teachers remained in custody until the next day, and union leaders were transferred to Evin Prison. Security officials demanded pledges from teachers not to participate in “illegal” gatherings anymore. This violent crackdown marked a new chapter in the securitization of union activities.

A gathering of thousands of teachers in front of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Baharestan Square, March 2007) was held with slogans against the Minister of Education and in support of implementing the coordinated salary system. This was the largest teacher protest up to that time and turned violent following a police raid.

The nationwide teacher protests in 2006 and 2007 were not limited to Tehran. Cities such as Kermanshah, Sanandaj, Mashhad, Tabriz, Shiraz, Ahvaz, etc., also witnessed simultaneous gatherings. The Coordinating Council of Teachers’ Trade Unions issued calls for solidarity, and effectively, the first nationwide teachers’ strike after the revolution took shape in October 2007. However, the government’s response was coordinated; in most cities, protesting teachers faced arrest, summons, and fabrication of cases. The Ministry of Intelligence and the IRGC Intelligence Organization became active in parallel to identify and suppress the leadership cores of the trade union movement.

Following these protests, a large number of trade union activists were subjected to judicial prosecution. For example, the Hamedan Teachers’ Trade Union was banned from activity during those years, and its members were arrested. In April 2007, 33 teachers were arrested at a trade union meeting in Hamedan, and shortly after, the Hamedan Trade Union was dissolved by judicial order. The Secretary-General of the Tehran Union, Ali Akbar Baghani, and its spokesperson, Mahmoud Beheshti Langroudi, were arrested and tried multiple times. Rasoul Bodaghi, a board member of the Islamshahr Union, was arrested in September 2009 (after the elections) and later sentenced to 6 years in prison. Also, Seyed Mahmoud Bagheri Harazmi (a member of the Tehran Union) was sentenced to 5 years in prison. Other sentences, such as exile for Ali Akbar Baghani (exiled to Zabol after imprisonment) and expulsion from the Ministry of Education for some, were issued.

The interference of security institutions in educational affairs also intensified in the 2000s. Numerous reports were published about the presence of intelligence agents in schools and education departments to monitor teachers’ activities. Security departments (Herasat) in educational districts effectively became branches of the security apparatus. Teachers who participated in trade union gatherings were quickly summoned to Herasat and reprimanded. Many were summoned to administrative violation boards and faced suspension or salary deductions.

With Ahmadinejad coming to power, the suppression of teachers’ organizations effectively became official government policy. Between 2006 and 2013, almost all activities of the Coordinating Council and its member unions came under severe pressure and went into a semi-underground state. Union leaders were either in prison or forced into silence. Trade union journals were confiscated (for example, Payam-e Sandika, published in collaboration with the Coordinating Council, was shut down after the arrest of its editor, Robert Brookhim). Nevertheless, the teachers’ movement did not stop; whenever an opportunity arose, they raised their voices in protest, albeit limitedly. For example, in 2009 and 2010, in addition to electoral demands, teachers again called for improved living conditions and the release of their imprisoned colleagues.

Overall, the 2000s were a combination of advancement and retreat for the teachers’ movement: on the one hand, teachers recognized their collective power and, for the first time, made their voices heard widely by society; but on the other hand, they paid a heavy price for it, facing prison, flogging, expulsion, and case fabrication. The experience of this decade showed that the Islamic Republic regime does not tolerate even purely trade union demands from teachers and views them as a security threat. A statement made by a Gilani teacher to the Revolutionary Court testifies to this government perspective: “We do not accept the charge of disrupting public order… The trade union activities of educators are neither disruption of order nor actions against national security.” However, in the government’s view, any trade union gathering was considered disruption and action against the system.

Prominent Teachers in the Trade Union Struggle: Esmail Abdi, Rasoul Bodaghi, Hashem Khastar, and Others

The Iranian teachers’ movement over these years has seen prominent figures whose life stories and struggles mirror the suffering and resilience of this group. In the final part of this section, we will discuss some of the most notable trade union activists who emerged by 2011:

Esmail Abdi: A mathematics teacher and one of the leaders of the Tehran Teachers’ Trade Union, who became involved in union activities in the mid-2000s. Abdi participated in the 2006 protests and later became the Secretary-General of the Tehran Union. He was first arrested in 2011 and subsequently acquitted. However, his fame grew mainly due to the incident in 2015 when he intended to travel abroad to attend the World Teachers’ Congress but was banned from leaving and arrested. In 2016, he was sentenced to 6 years of imprisonment on charges of “assembly and collusion” and “propaganda against the system.” Abdi served his sentence in Evin and Kachoui prisons in Karaj. Despite the official end of his sentence in 2021, he immediately faced new fabricated charges and remains in prison. It has now been nearly 9 years that this teacher has been incarcerated, even being denied the right to medical leave. Abdi’s perseverance and steadfastness have turned him into a symbol of teacher resistance.

Rasoul Bodaghi: An education teacher in Islamshahr and a member of the Tehran Teachers’ Trade Union, considered one of the most tenacious trade union activists. After the 2006 protests, Bodaghi was summoned to the administrative violation board and sentenced to a salary deduction. However, he continued his activities until he was arrested in September 2009 (shortly after the election events) and sentenced by the Revolutionary Court to 6 years of imprisonment. He served this sentence fully in Evin and Rajai Shahr prisons and was released in 2015. After his release, despite threats, Rasoul Bodaghi rejoined the protests and actively participated in teachers’ gatherings in 2018 and 2021. He was arrested again in May 2022 along with several other trade union activists. Bodaghi is known among educators for his firmness and frankness in expressing his views. He says, “An imprisoned teacher does not have imprisoned students,” believing that teachers’ imprisonment is the cost of raising awareness. He has endured a total of 7 years of imprisonment.

Seyed Hashem Khastar: A retired teacher and former head of the Mashhad Teachers’ Trade Union, known as the fearless voice of critical teachers. Khastar, who had a history of political arrest during the Shah’s era, also encountered problems in the 2000s due to his open letters to the leaders of the Islamic Republic. In 2009, he was sentenced to 2 years in prison for activities against national security and served this sentence in Mashhad prison. After his release, Khastar continued writing critical letters and repeatedly protested against the educational situation and repression. In August 2018, when a group of civil activists from Khorasan (including Khastar) signed a famous letter to Khamenei calling for his resignation, Khastar became a target of retaliation by security forces. In October 2019, agents illegally abducted him and forcibly hospitalized him in a psychiatric facility to silence his voice. He was released due to public pressure but was arrested shortly after in November 2019. In February 2021, the Mashhad Revolutionary Court sentenced Hashem Khastar to a total of 16 years in prison, 3 years of exile, and a fine of 3 million tomans on various charges, including “insulting the leadership” and “forming an illegal group.” Currently, at the age of 70, he is serving his unjust sentence in Vakilabad Prison in Mashhad and suffers from multiple illnesses. Khastar has publicly stated that his imprisonment raises public awareness and “I have no insistence on being released,” a sentence reflecting the resilience of this veteran teacher.

Ali Akbar Baghani: A chemistry teacher and one of the founders of the Teachers’ Trade Union, who served as the Secretary-General of the Tehran Union for a long time. Baghani played a key role in the 2006-2007 protests, for which he was arrested in 2007 and subsequently sentenced to 1 year suspended imprisonment. He was arrested again in 2011 and this time sentenced to 5 years in prison in Evin and 2 years of exile to Zabol. After his release from prison in 2016, Baghani spent his exile period in the remote region of Sistan and returned to Tehran in 2018. He is currently living in exile abroad. Ali Akbar Baghani is the compiler of a famous list documenting the names of 160 imprisoned, detained, and expelled teachers in recent years, published on World Teachers’ Day.

Mahmoud Beheshti Langroudi: A mathematics teacher and spokesperson for the Teachers’ Trade Union, arrested multiple times in the 2000s. In 2010, he was sentenced to 5 years in prison for propaganda against the system. Beheshti served this sentence intermittently through several short-term arrests in subsequent years. He went on hunger strike several times in prison and was finally released in 2019. Alongside others, Beheshti was an influential figure in trade union negotiations with authorities in the 2000s.

Farzad Kamangar: Although Farzad Kamangar is mostly known as a political prisoner, it should not be forgotten that he was a Kurdish teacher and a member of the Mariwan Teachers’ Trade Union. Kamangar, who incurred wrath due to his human rights and cultural activities, was arrested in 2006. After three years of imprisonment and torture, he was sentenced to death on fabricated charges of collaborating with PJAK. Despite widespread international protests, he was secretly hanged in Evin Prison at dawn on May 9, 2010. In his will, Farzad Kamangar referred to himself as a “teacher,” and his passionate letters from prison addressed to students and colleagues are a testament to the resilience of this 35-year-old teacher. His name remains etched in history as a symbol of teachers who sacrificed their lives for freedom and justice.

In addition to these, dozens of other courageous teachers across Iran fought in various ways during the 1990s and 2000s. Individuals like Mehdi Farahi Shandiz (a math teacher in Karaj who has been imprisoned for years for chanting slogans against the leader), Abdolreza Ghanbari (a teacher from Pakdasht arrested after the 2009 protests, even receiving a death sentence later reduced to life imprisonment and then 10 years), Mokhtar Asadi (a Kurdish trade union activist arrested multiple times), and Mohammad Habibi (who will be discussed further in the next section) are just examples from the long list of free-spirited teachers who have paid the price for insisting on their trade union and human rights.

This period was one of formation, trial, and error for the teachers’ movement; a period in which the roots of post-revolution trade union organization were planted, the first widespread protest uprisings occurred, and repression cast its shadow from the very beginning. Entering the 2010s, repression became more systematic and widespread, but at the same time, teachers’ struggles took on a new dimension, becoming an inseparable part of the justice-seeking movements in Iran.

The 2010s: Complete Securitization of Teachers’ Union Activities, Prison Sentences, Torture, and Threats

The 1390s SH (corresponding to the 2010s CE onwards) must be termed the era of intensified quantitative and qualitative repression of teachers. During this decade, the Islamic Republic regime, having gained experience in controlling social movements, employed comprehensive strategies for the complete securitization of union activities. While in the 2000s (1380s SH), teachers’ gatherings were occasionally held with permits or without confrontation, in the 2010s, almost any public protest by teachers was met with a heavy presence of security and police forces. Even small, peaceful gatherings were not tolerated and immediately led to the fabrication of cases and the arrest of some participants.

The beginning of the 2010s coincided with the post-protest atmosphere of the Green Movement, during which some teachers had also participated in the 1388 SH (2009 CE) uprising. Several teachers (such as Abdolreza Ghanbari) were arrested and convicted on charges of participating in the nationwide protests of that year. After 2009, the ruling system developed extreme suspicion towards any collective action, and this paranoia was also applied to teachers’ associations. For several years (1389 to 1392 SH / 2010-2013 CE), the public activities of trade unions were practically halted, and their meetings were held with great difficulty and restrictions. With the election of Hassan Rouhani in 1392 SH (2013 CE) and his moderate promises, teachers hoped for a slight opening of the civic space. The reality, however, was that the security structure overshadowing the teachers’ movement did not change. Although in 1395 SH (2016 CE), some provincial unions were allowed to resume general assemblies, Rouhani’s Ministry of Interior refused to grant them official recognition. According to the Coordinating Council, the second half of the 2010s was a “period of revival and effort to resume organizational activities,” which continued to face government obstruction.

During this decade, long-term prison sentences for union activists became commonplace. Previously, sentences of 5 and 6 years (for Badaghi, Abdi, Beheshti, etc., in the 2000s) were considered severe, but in the 2010s, the judiciary more liberally issued double-digit sentences. We mentioned the case of Hashem Khastar (16 years). Also, Esmail Abdi received a 6-year sentence in 1394 SH (2015 CE) and was sentenced to another 10 years in 1401 SH (2022 CE) (based on new fabricated charges). Mohammad Habibi, a board member of the Tehran union, was arrested during a gathering in 1397 SH (2018 CE) and sentenced to 7.5 years in prison. Mohsen Omrani in Bushehr received a 1-year prison sentence and 2 years of exile. Mahmoud Beheshti Langroudi was arrested again in 1394 SH (2015 CE) and sentenced to a total of 14 years in prison (although later reduced to 5 years after merging the sentences).

Numerous reports also exist regarding the psychological and sometimes physical torture of imprisoned teachers during this period. For instance, Rasoul Badaghi recounted being under intense pressure from interrogators in Evin Prison to make false confessions against the trade union; or Mehdi Farahi Shandiz was repeatedly beaten in prison for chanting slogans, and new cases were fabricated against him. Jafar Ebrahimi (inspector for the Coordinating Council), arrested in 1401 SH (2022 CE), was deprived of medical services while imprisoned and faced severe illness.

Another characteristic of the repression in the 2010s was the expansion of parallel intelligence agencies and their cooperation in suppressing teachers. In addition to the Ministry of Intelligence, the IRGC Intelligence Organization became involved, handling many teachers’ cases in the provinces. For example, in the provinces of Kurdistan and Khuzestan, the IRGC Intelligence summoned and threatened teachers; in Tehran, some arrests were carried out by the IRGC Intelligence. The IRGC’s Tharallah Headquarters in Tehran played an active role in controlling union protests.

Despite all this, the widespread repression could not extinguish the flame of teachers’ demands. Even judges like Judge Salavati and Moghiseh, notorious for issuing heavy sentences against teachers, ultimately faced a generation of aware educators who did not fully retreat. Statistics also testify that as pressure increased, the scope of protests and the number of protesting teachers also grew. According to a report from human rights sources, from Ordibehesht 1401 to Bahar 1402 SH (approximately May 2022 to Spring 2023), at least 400 protesting teachers were arrested in Iran; an unprecedented figure indicating that the volume of repression has peaked in recent years (this figure of 400 is roughly equal to the total arrests over the preceding two decades). The chart below shows the approximate upward trend in the number of arrested teachers in the years leading up to 1401 SH (2022/2023), illustrating the sharp jump in that year:

The increasing trend in the number of detained teachers in Iran in recent years (2018 to 2022 AD). This chart shows that the number of arrests in 2022 (equivalent to 1401 SH) saw a significant jump compared to previous years. Regardless of minor fluctuations, the overall trend indicates an intensification of repression on the cusp of the new century.

Coordinating Council of Iranian Teachers’ Trade Associations and Government Response

Amidst these ups and downs, the Coordinating Council of Iranian Teachers’ Trade Associations has stood firm as the most important nationwide body for teachers, managing to maintain the movement’s cohesion. This council, whose formation in 1380 SH was mentioned in the previous section, played a key role in organizing protests and conveying demands among teachers during the 1390s SH decade. The Coordinating Council consists of representatives from provincial trade unions and, despite being deemed illegal by the authorities, effectively holds the moral leadership of the teachers’ movement through issuing statements and calls to action.

One manifestation of this council’s importance is its information channels, which disseminate news and take positions immediately upon the occurrence of events. For example, during the widespread arrests of teachers in 1401 SH, the Coordinating Council issued successive statements condemning the repression and urging teachers to remain united. The council has also been active in the field of international solidarity, maintaining contact with teachers’ organizations worldwide (such as Education International – EI). The government’s response to the council’s role has been a combination of harsh repression and negative propaganda.

From a security perspective, many senior members of the Coordinating Council have been targeted. Mohammad Habibi (the council’s spokesperson) was arrested multiple times and is currently imprisoned. Eskandar (Soran) Lotfi (another spokesperson for the council from Kurdistan) was arrested in Mehr 1401 SH after security forces raided his home. Jafar Ebrahimi (the council’s inspector) was arrested in Ordibehesht 1401 SH before Teachers’ Day and later sentenced to 4 years in prison. Reza Mousa-Kazemi, Mohammadreza Ramshad, Mehdi Fathi, and numerous other activists from various provinces who operated within the council’s framework faced security charges. The government has attempted to disrupt the coordination of protests by targeting the leadership of this organization. However, experience has shown that even in the temporary absence of leaders, the body of teachers has continued its movement.

From a propaganda perspective, state-controlled media have targeted the council. Hardline news agencies accuse council members of links to hostile groups and the Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK). For instance, Tasnim News Agency, in a report, labeled the founders of the Teachers’ Association (including Khastar, Badaghi, and Abdi) as “elements affiliated with the MEK”. Efforts have also been made to portray teachers’ protests as purely related to livelihood issues, condemning any political slogans or connections to pro-freedom movements. However, the Coordinating Council has consistently emphasized that teachers’ demands are not merely trade-union related but also encompass educational justice and human dignity. A statement reads: “The concern of active trade union educators is to enjoy a normal life in a healthy society where all children of the society benefit from suitable educational facilities.” This explicit statement shows that the teachers’ struggle is indeed for the future of Iran’s children.

Faced with the council’s steadfastness, the government has also resorted to softer methods, such as attempting to establish parallel state-sponsored organizations. The “Supreme Council of Islamic Teachers’ Associations” and the “Organization of Iranian Teachers” are examples of institutions close to the establishment that tried to represent a moderate or pro-government voice. However, these organizations failed to gain influence or credibility among the general body of educators, as teachers had learned to pursue their demands through the independent channel of the Coordinating Council. As one teacher put it: “What represents us is the Coordinating Council, for which we have paid a price, not the state-mandated associations.”

Overall, the struggle between the Teachers’ Coordinating Council and the government reflects a confrontation between two wills: the collective will of educators for the improvement of education, livelihood, and freedom, versus the will of a government that views any independent organization as a political threat. This confrontation became even more apparent in the final years of the 1390s SH decade, which we will address in subsequent sections.

Protests from 1397 to 1401 SH: Educational Justice, Arrests, and Police Violence

Starting in 1397 SH, a new wave of teachers’ trade union protests began, resembling the 1385 SH movement in scope but demonstrating greater maturity and organization. This four-year period (1397 to 1401 SH) coincided with escalating economic problems (severe inflation, depreciation of the national currency) and the emergence of discussions on issues like educational justice, providing educators with additional motivation to protest.

The first action of this period occurred in Ordibehesht 1397 SH. On the 20th of Ordibehesht 97 (Teachers’ Day), teachers held gatherings in Tehran and several other cities, demanding the release of imprisoned colleagues and improved living conditions. These gatherings turned violent due to police intervention, and several individuals, including Mohammad Habibi, were arrested. Habibi was beaten on the spot, and images of his bloody arrest were published, shocking the public conscience. Although Habibi was sentenced to 7.5 years in prison a few months later, the violent treatment he received strengthened the teachers’ resolve.

In Mehr and Aban 1397 SH, the Coordinating Council issued a call for a nationwide teachers’ strike, which was met with widespread participation. On Mehr 22nd and 23rd, 97 SH, teachers in dozens of cities did not attend classes and held sit-ins in school offices. Subsequently, on Aban 22nd and 23rd, 97 SH, the second round of strikes took place. This method of striking (sit-in at the workplace) proved highly effective, conveying the teachers’ message without street presence. Demands included the implementation of ranking, salary increases above the poverty line, cessation of education privatization, and the release of imprisoned teachers. The government initially denied or downplayed the Mehr strike but resorted to threats and repression as it continued into Aban. During Aban 97 SH, dozens of teachers, including Esmail Abdi, Mohammad Habibi, Hossein Ramezanpour, and others, were summoned or arrested. The homes of some activists (such as in Mashhad and Sanandaj) were searched. Nevertheless, these strikes represented a remarkable success for the Coordinating Council, demonstrating that teachers across the country could unite to demand their rights.

The year 2019 was marked by widespread November protests against gasoline price hikes, which, of course, had a different nature. Teachers’ roles in those protests were more individual and in solidarity with other citizens. However, in the margins of those developments, the issue of educational justice came to the fore; especially with the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, the deprivation of a large portion of students from virtual education (due to poverty) sounded a serious alarm. Teachers repeatedly warned that millions of students did not have the necessary tools for online education, and this was a violation of educational justice. Some teachers, like Zahra Mohammadi in Kurdistan, tried to help deprived children by holding free classes, but they themselves faced security charges (such as teaching the Kurdish language as a crime!) and were even sentenced to 10 years in prison. Protests against educational inequality were added to the teachers’ movement’s literature, and demands that were merely guild-related became more social.

With the start of Ebrahim Raisi’s government in 2021 and the intensification of livelihood problems, teachers’ protests entered a new phase. In the months of November and December 2021, several rounds of nationwide gatherings were held. For instance, on December 2, 2021, teachers in more than 70 cities took to the streets to protest the incomplete approval of the ranking bill and their living conditions. Then, on January 13, 2022, another large gathering took place. The characteristic of these gatherings was the expression of some harsh political slogans. In Tehran, slogans such as “Imprisoned teachers must be freed” and even against the minister himself were chanted. The widespread presence of security and law enforcement forces in these protests was conspicuous, and each time a number of people were arrested. For example, in the January 1, 2022 gathering in Tehran, 70 teachers were arrested. Also, before and after the gatherings, the Coordinating Council reported the summoning of dozens of union activists in different provinces.

The peak of this period was the gatherings of May 2022 (Teacher’s Day). On April 21 and May 2, 2022, widespread protests were held throughout Iran. The slogans were more explicit, and the teachers’ anger was more evident; including the slogan “Tanks, cannons, firecrackers, mullahs must get lost” was heard in some cities, which indicated the connection of guild demands with the general dissatisfaction with the government. The government’s response to the May 2, 2022 gathering was very harsh: in Tehran, with a heavy police presence, they practically did not allow the gathering to form, and at least 70 people were arrested. Nevertheless, in more than 50 cities (from Amol and Rasht to Shiraz, Kermanshah, and Sanandaj…), teachers were able to gather and raise their voices. In some cities, the police attacked them with batons, and a number were injured and arrested. Images of male and female teachers surrounded by security forces with placards that read “The teacher is crying out, shouting for their rights” were widely circulated.

The demands raised in 2022 were diverse: equalization of pensioners’ salaries, cancellation of irregular employment of seminarians in education, free and quality education for all, cessation of filing cases against teachers, increasing the per capita of deprived schools, and… This combination of guild, educational, and political demands showed that the teachers’ movement had reached a new maturity, concerned not only with their own rights but also with the situation of students and the future of the country’s education. Perhaps for this reason, the government viewed it with greater alarm and increased the volume of suppression.

In evaluating this period (2018 to early 2022), it can be said that: Firstly, teachers’ protests reached their historical peak in terms of the number of cities involved and the frequency of holding them; Secondly, demands expanded beyond economics to the realm of educational justice and even good governance; Thirdly, government suppression also reached an unprecedented intensity, which was evident in group prosecutions (for example, for 40 teachers in Gilan or 8 teachers in Fars) and preventive arrests. This intense conflict laid the groundwork for teachers to enter the next chapter of confrontation with the government: solidarity with the nationwide uprising of people after the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022.

After the Murder of Mahsa Amini: The Participation of Educators in Nationwide Protests and the Crackdown on Protesting Teachers

The tragic death of Mahsa (Zhina) Amini in the custody of the Guidance Patrol in September 2022 sparked a wave of nationwide protests that included all segments of society, including students, and teachers. In this historic uprising, known by the central slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom,” educators played a significant role, both in the streets and in the trenches of schools and universities.

From the early days of the protests (late September 2022), students in many high schools engaged in slogan writing and demonstrations. Extensive videos of protesting female students were published. In many cases, teachers supported these students or at least prevented their suppression in the school environment. The government, sensing the danger, went after critical teachers. In October and November 2022, it was reported that dozens of teachers were arrested in various cities (especially Kurdistan and Baluchistan) for supporting the protests. For example, in Kurdistan province, the intelligence agency of Bukan arrested two teachers named Moloud Khanchezard and Salman Imamgholizadeh in October 2022 on charges of signing a statement in support of the referendum of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, which, of course, was not unrelated to the current uprising.

The Coordinating Council of Teachers’ Associations also did not remain silent during this period. In October 2022, in a statement condemning the killing of protesters, this council called on educators to stage a sit-in to protest the suppression of students. As a result, on October 24 and 25, 2022, teachers in dozens of schools went on strike and closed the classes. This council, along with student organizations, also initiated the “Tuesdays of Protest” campaign, one manifestation of which was the strike on November 3 and 4, 2022 (closure of classes). Protesting teachers chanted slogans such as “They killed our child and replaced him with a mullah” (referring to the plan to replace teachers with seminarians).

The government took drastic measures to break the unity of students and teachers. A shocking example was the attack by security forces on Shahed Ardabil School in October 2022, during which a female student named Asra Panahi lost her life. Following that, the Teachers’ Union of Ardabil issued a protest statement, which led to the arrest of several teachers in that city. Numerous cases were reported throughout Iran where school principals or administrators were dismissed or arrested for supporting protesting students.

Also, during the 2022 uprising, several well-known union figures who had recently been released from prison were arrested again. Rasoul Bodaghi, who had been in prison since May 2022, was temporarily released on a one-week furlough in September but was once again taken into custody. We mentioned Eskandar Lotfi (the council’s spokesperson) who was arrested in October by breaking down his house door. Mohammad Habibi, who was not even outside the prison and was still serving his sentence, followed the news of the protest in prison and sent messages, which led to the intensification of his restrictions.

According to reports, up to January 2023, more than 100 teachers were arrested in direct connection with the Woman, Life, Freedom protests. In addition, hundreds of other teachers were temporarily detained and released on bail for participating in street gatherings. The atmosphere in schools became completely security-oriented; the presence of plainclothes officers around schools and the physical examination of female students by female police officers were reported.

With the relative subsidence of public protests in late autumn 1401, the intelligence apparatuses and administrative violation boards of the Ministry of Education began to settle internal scores. According to statistics released by the Coordination Council, during the second six months of 1401, dozens of teachers were dismissed or suspended under the pretext of protests. For instance, Mohammad Ali Zahmatkesh (Shiraz), Kوكب Bodaghi (Izeh), and a group of other educators in Fars province were expelled from the Ministry of Education by administrative violation orders. These punishments were applied to intimidate other teachers from joining future protest movements.

Despite all the costs, the uprising of 1401 further united Iranian teachers with the people. Educators realized that their demands are inseparable from the general demands of the people for freedom, and that lasting improvement in education will not be achieved until the political structure is reformed. In return, a large segment of society saw teachers at the forefront of protesting injustice. Scenes such as the sit-in by Sanandaj teachers in protest against the killing of youth, or the chant “The teacher dies, but does not accept humiliation” in gatherings in Mashhad, remain indelible in the collective memory.

Special Report: List of Imprisoned Teachers by City, Sentence, and Issuing Authority

Currently, in the year 1404 (2025), dozens of Iranian teachers and educators are in prisons due to their professional and civil activities. Many others are in limbo with suspended sentences and heavy bail amounts. In this section, we review a documented list of the most prominent imprisoned and convicted teachers in recent years, categorized by region, judicial sentence, and issuing authority. This special report provides an overview of the extent of government repression against educators:

  • Tehran (Tehran Province) –
    • Esmail Abdi: Member of the Teachers’ Union of Tehran. Sentence: 6 years imprisonment (1395) on charges of assembly and collusion + 10 years new imprisonment (1401) on charges of propaganda against the regime; Authority: Branch 36 of the Tehran Court of Appeal (first verdict) and Branch 29 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court (new verdict). Status: Prisoner in Kachuei Prison of Karaj (Tehran Prosecutor’s refusal to grant medical leave).
    • Mohammad Habibi: Spokesman for the Teachers’ Union. Sentence: 7 years and 6 months imprisonment for assembly and collusion and disrupting order (1397) + 3 years and 7 months suspended imprisonment; Authority: Branch 26 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court (Judge Ahmadzadeh). Status: Prisoner in the Great Tehran Prison (Fashapoyeh).
    • Rasoul Bodaghi: Member of the Eslamshahr Union. Sentence: 6 years imprisonment (1389) on charges of propaganda against the regime and illegal assembly; Authority: Branch 15 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court (Judge Salavati). Status: Served (released 1394); Rearrested 1401 (without new official sentence so far).
    • Seyed Mahmoud Bagheri Herazmi: Member of the Tehran Union. Sentence: 5 years imprisonment (1390) on charges of conspiracy against security; Authority: Tehran Revolutionary Court. Status: Served (released).
    • Ali Akbar Baghani: Former Secretary General of the Tehran Union. Sentence: 1 year imprisonment + 10 years exile (1394) on charges of propaganda against the regime; Authority: Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court. Status: Served (exile ended).
    • Mahmoud Beheshti Langroudi: Spokesman for the Tehran Union. Sentence: 5 years imprisonment (1394) for accumulation of previous sentences; Authority: Branch 28 of the Revolutionary Court (Judge Moqiseh). Status: Released 1398 (end of sentence with parole).
    • Jafar Ebrahimi: Inspector of the Coordination Council (resident of Karaj, Alborz Province). Sentence: 4 years imprisonment (1401) for assembly and collusion; Authority: Branch 1 of the Karaj Revolutionary Court. Status: Prisoner in Karaj Detention Center (severe medical condition and deprived of leave).
    • Mehdi Farahi Shandiz: Mathematics teacher and political prisoner (resident of Tehran / Karaj). Sentence: 3 years imprisonment in total for professional protests (1390) + multiple prison sentences in subsequent years for chanting slogans in prison (insulting the Supreme Leader); Authority: Tehran Revolutionary Court and Karaj Court. Status: Consecutive convictions; Last place of detention: Karaj Central Prison.
    • Abdolreza Ghanbari: Literature teacher (Pakdasht). Sentence: Death (1388) for Moharebeh – commuted to life imprisonment and then 10 years; Authority: Branch 15 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court (Salavati), then Supreme Leader’s pardon. Status: Released 1395 (after 7 years in prison).
    • Morteza Eslami (Khaksari): Labor activist and editor of the magazine “Ghalam Moallem”. Sentence: 1 year imprisonment (suspended); Status: Outside Iran.
  • Khorasan Razavi –
    • Hashem Khastar: Member of the Teachers’ Union of Mashhad. Sentence: 16 years imprisonment, 3 years exile, 3 million fine (1399) on charges of insulting the Supreme Leader, acting against security, and forming an illegal group; Authority: Branch 4 of the Mashhad Revolutionary Court (Judge Hadi Mansouri). Status: Prisoner in Vakilabad Prison of Mashhad (70 years old, sick).
    • Mohammad Hossein (Saeed) Sardari and Mohammad Rezaei (Mashhad): Sentence: 18 months imprisonment each (1401) for professional gatherings; Authority: Mashhad Revolutionary Court.
    • Hamid Gharaei (Neishabour): Sentence: 1 year imprisonment (1400); Status: Served.
  • Gilan –
    • Aziz Ghasemzadeh: Spokesman for the Gilan Union. Sentence: 2 years imprisonment (1401) for disrupting order; Authority: Branch 3 of the Rasht Revolutionary Court. Status: Currently serving his sentence in Lakan Prison of Rasht + new sentence of 2 years imprisonment (without formalities) in 1402.
    • Anoush Adeli: Member of the Board of Directors of Gilan. Sentence: 2 years and 1 day imprisonment (1401); Authority: Rasht Revolutionary Court. Status: Prisoner (Lakan).
    • Mahmoud Seddighi Pour: Member of the Board of Directors of Gilan. Sentence: 2 years and 1 day imprisonment (1401); Status: Prisoner (Lakan).
    • Ali Nahali, Tahmasb Sohrabi, Javad Saeedi, Jahanbakhsh Lajevardi, Gholam Reza Akbarzadeh, Yadollah Baharestani: Other defendants in the Gilan case (2 years and 1 day imprisonment each + 2 years ban on activity); Authority: Rasht Revolutionary Court. Status: Released on bail pending execution of the sentence.
    • Payam (Ramin) Safrnia: Lawyer defending Gilan teachers – sentenced to 6 months imprisonment (for supporting clients).
  • Fars –
    • Mohammad Ali Zahmatkesh: Member of the Shiraz Union. Sentence: 5 years imprisonment (1401) for assembly and collusion; Authority: Shiraz Revolutionary Court. Status: Prisoner in Shiraz.
    • Mozhgan (Nasrin) Bagheri: Educator in Shiraz. Sentence: 2 years imprisonment (1401) for propaganda against the regime; Authority: Shiraz Revolution. Status: Prisoner (Women’s Adelabad).
    • Afshin Razmjoui: Member of the Fars Union. Sentence: 5 years imprisonment (1401); Status: Prisoner.
    • Asghar Amirzadegan, Gholam Reza Gholami, Iraj Rahnama, Abdolrazzaq Amiri, Zahra Esfandiari: Activists in Fars – Sentence: 37 years imprisonment in total (approximately 4.5 to 5 years each); Authority: Fars Province Court of Appeal (November 2022). Status: Some in prison (Amiri, Gholami) and some released on bail.
    • 4 teachers from Mamasani: Mohammad Ali Zare, Farhad Darvishi, … – Group summons to the Shiraz Revolutionary Court (1401).
  • Kurdistan and Kermanshah –
    • Eskandar Lotfi (Suran): Spokesman for the Coordination Council (Marivan). Sentence: 2 years imprisonment (suspended) + 5 years suspended imprisonment (1401) on charges of propaganda against the regime; Authority: Sanandaj Revolutionary Court. Status: Prisoner since October 2022 (uprising arrest).
    • Masoud Farhadi Pour (Sanandaj): Sentence: 2 years imprisonment (1400); Status: Prisoner.
    • Loghman Amini (Sanandaj): Sentence: 2 years imprisonment; Status: Prisoner.
    • Zahed (Mohammad) Ghorbanpour and Salah Hosseinpour (Marivan): Sentence: 1 year imprisonment each (1401).
    • Zahra Mohammadi: Director of Nozhin Cultural-Social Association (Sanandaj). Sentence: 5 years imprisonment (reduced from 10 years) for forming a group against security; Authority: Sanandaj Revolutionary Court. Status: Prisoner (Sanandaj Prison).
    • Amjad Qarhani (Divandarreh): Sentence: 15 months imprisonment (1401).
    • Hirsh Kamyab (Saqez): Sentence: 4 years imprisonment (1401).
    • Nemat Satiar (Kermanshah): Sentence: 1 year imprisonment (1401).
    • Fariborz Raiszadeh (Kermanshah): Sentence: 2 years imprisonment (1401).
    • Kazem Nisi Pour (Paveh): Sentence: 6 months imprisonment (1400).
  • Khuzestan –
    • Pirouz Nami: Secretary of the Ahvaz Union. Sentence: 1 year imprisonment (1401); Authority: Ahvaz Revolutionary Court. Status: Served his sentence and was released in late 1401.
    • Kubra (Koukab) Bodaghi: Member of the Izeh Union. Sentence: Expulsion from the Ministry of Education + Open judicial case.
    • Hamida Zareh Cheshmeh, Ahmad Chengezi, Mehdi Kalantari: Teachers from Shushtar and Shiraz arrested in May 2022; Status: In the trial stage.
    • Mahmoud Maleki (Bushehr): Member of the Bushehr Union. Sentence: 2 years suspended imprisonment (1398).
    • Mohsen Omrani (Bushehr): Member of the Union. Sentence: 1 year imprisonment + 2 years exile (1396); Authority: Bushehr Court. Status: Served (released 1398).
  • Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari –
    • Hamid Reza Rahmati (Shahrekord): Teacher and labor activist. Sentence: 3 years imprisonment (1401) for assembly and collusion; Authority: Shahrekord Revolution. Status: Prisoner 1401 (released on bail).
    • Esmail (Saeed) Abbasi (Shahrekord): Sentence: 2 years imprisonment (1401).
    • Hadi Asgari (Lordegan): Sentence: 8 months imprisonment (1401).
  • Yazd –
    • Yadollah Rezaei (Yazd): Sentence: 18 months imprisonment (1401).
    • Ali Salehi (Meybod): Sentence: 1 year imprisonment (1401).
  • East and West Azerbaijan –
    • Javad Rouhi (Tabriz): Sentence: 1 year imprisonment (1400).
    • Sadiq Aghdami (Marand): Sentence: 8 months imprisonment (1400).
    • Moloud Khanzadeh Zard (Bukan): Teacher and journalist. Status: Open case 1401 (arrested by Bukan Intelligence).
    • Salman Emam Gholi Zadeh (Bukan): Open case (arrested 1401).

This list, which includes a significant portion of the names of persecuted and convicted teachers, is constantly being updated. According to the admission of the labor activists themselves, there are many arrested and dismissed teachers whose names have never been publicized. The list of 160 people compiled by Ali Akbar Baghani shows a glimpse of the extent of repression in recent years. The judicial system of the Islamic Republic, in every province, has simultaneously summoned, prosecuted, and convicted teachers. Branches of the Revolutionary Courts in major cities (Tehran, Mashhad, Shiraz, Ahvaz, Sanandaj, etc.) have been busy issuing heavy sentences, and in smaller cities, the work has been carried out by prosecutor’s offices and administrative violation boards. This coherence in repression reflects the government’s determination to silence one of the most organized civil movements in the country.

Conclusion: The Future of Teachers’ Role in Iranian Society

The teachers’ movement in Iran, after a difficult and bloody path, has reached a point where its voice is heard not only domestically but also internationally. Over four decades, Iranian teachers have progressed from the imposed silence of the 1980s to the whispered demands of the 1990s, and then to the loud outcry of the 2000s and 2010s. Although the government has consistently responded with suppression, the reality is that the teachers’ demands are rooted in undeniable facts: a teacher’s meager salary is incompatible with their status and role in educating the next generation; quality and equitable education is impossible without ensuring the livelihood and freedom of teachers; and the country’s development is impossible without the free participation of educators in decision-making.

Over these years, teachers have shown that they are not merely pursuing their own professional interests, but are concerned about the future of their country’s children. They have repeatedly emphasized that educational justice and the access of all children to educational opportunities are their main concerns. Furthermore, by participating in public movements such as the 2022 uprising, they have expressed their deepest commitment to society. Such a spirit is a valuable asset for Iran’s future. A movement in which teachers stand alongside students, workers, nurses, and other demanding groups has a high potential for achieving social change.

On the other hand, the Islamic Republic’s continued policy of suppressing teachers is, in effect, gambling with its own future and that of the country. The systematic suppression of this educated group has led to the erosion of social capital and the weakening of one of the main pillars of development, namely education. The direct result of this approach is the increasing emigration of educational elites, decreased motivation among working teachers, and a decline in the quality of the human resources being trained. How can one expect a future generation to be free-thinking and creative in a country where teachers are imprisoned for demanding their rights?

Looking ahead, two scenarios are conceivable: either the government will finally yield to the legitimate demands of teachers and, by opening up the space for professional activities, will rebuild some of the lost trust; or it will continue its iron-fist policy, pushing the gap between teachers and the official structure to an irreversible point. In the first scenario, it is hoped that with the participation of the educators themselves, Iran’s ailing education system will be cured, and teachers will be placed in a worthy position of decision-making. As the Fundamental Transformation Document of Education will never come to fruition without gaining the satisfaction and participation of teachers – the same document that the government uses as a pretext for Islamization, while teachers demand its humanization.

In the second scenario, which unfortunately has been ongoing, the Islamic Republic continues its current path. In this direction, there is a possibility of the continuation and even intensification of professional protests; perhaps at some point these protests will merge with other social movements and deliver the final blow to the body of despotism. It should not be forgotten that teachers have an extensive communication network with families, students, and the local community; every teacher, in their own right, is an opinion leader. The government can temporarily create fear by imprisoning a few dozen teachers, but it cannot completely destroy this vast network of awareness. As one slogan that has recently become popular states: “If the teacher is imprisoned, the school becomes a prison” – meaning that by imprisoning the teacher, their ideas will not be imprisoned among the students, but rather they will become more aware and more প্রতিবাদী.

In summary, the role of teachers in Iran’s future can be considered a vital and undeniable role. They have been and will continue to be the guardians of the light of awareness in the darkest of days. Perhaps the next socio-political transformation in Iran – whenever it occurs – will be indebted to the sacrifices of these aware educators who sowed the seeds of critical thinking and freedom in the classrooms, and who themselves practiced courage in the field of protest.

From a global perspective, the struggle of Iranian teachers is part of a broader movement for the dignity of teachers and the right to education. International teachers’ organizations (such as Education International) have repeatedly condemned the suppression of their Iranian colleagues and demanded their release. Global public opinion is more aware than ever that being a teacher in Iran is a crime, especially the “crime” of awareness. These external pressures, although limited, are not ineffective and can bear fruit alongside the internal will of teachers.

We end with a word from a teacher in captivity. Esmail Abdi, in a letter from prison to his colleagues, wrote: “If a teacher cannot defend their own rights, how can they teach the next generation to defend their rights?” Today, Iranian teachers, by standing firm, are teaching the defense of rights and freedom in the best possible way. The future will undoubtedly be indebted to this sacrifice and its lessons.

Even dictators recognize the profound social impact of teachers; Hitler said: “If we win the war, teachers must survive to train the next generation of heroes; if we lose, we still need teachers to rebuild the devastated country.” The Islamic Republic, however, instead of valuing its teachers, has imprisoned them. Nevertheless, as contemporary Iranian history shows, imprisoning teachers has never been the end of the story. Teachers, these torchbearers of knowledge, have repeatedly broken the darkness of prison with the light of wisdom. The future of Iran may still be shrouded in ambiguity, but one thing is clear: aware and committed teachers will play a key role in shaping that future – whether in the trenches of civil struggle or in the classroom in a free Iran of the future.

Sources:

  • Teacher’s Day and Continued Repression/Arash Mohammadi – Link
  • Mahmoud Beheshti Langeroudi, a Capable and Honest Teacher in Prison – Link
  • Iran: End the Banning and Harassment of Independent Trade Unions – Link
  • Why are Teachers’ Protests Important and Historic? – Link
  • Ten Years Since the Group Execution of Farzad Kamangar and Four Other Political Prisoners – Link
  • Open Letter from Over Fourteen Hundred Cultural and Civil Activists About Imprisoned Teachers – Link
  • Open Letter from the Iranian Teachers’ Trade Association Regarding Imprisoned Teacher Seyed Mahmoud Bagheri – Link
  • The Activity of the Teachers’ Trade Association Was Declared Illegal by the Article 10 Parties Commission – Link
  • Iran: EI Condemns Arrest Of Over 300 Teachers – Link
  • Report by Mitra Bakhtiari, Iran International, on Teachers’ Trade Protests – Link

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