IRGC: From Street Suppression to Exporting Crisis in the Region

Introduction

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), as one of the main pillars of the Islamic Republic regime, plays a dual but aligned role in maintaining the regime’s survival. Within Iran’s borders, the IRGC and its affiliated forces have acted as the iron fist in suppressing popular protests and political dissent, from bloody crackdowns on peaceful demonstrations to the arrest and torture of critics. Simultaneously, in the regional and international arena, the IRGC has been Iran’s interventionist arm in neighboring countries and beyond, and by supporting paramilitary groups and developing missile and military programs, it has become a factor of instability and a threat to regional security. This report examines the role of the IRGC in suppressing the Iranian people and the regional and global threats posed by its actions in a documented and detailed manner. With a critical and explicit look, we will refer to evidence of human rights violations inside the country and the IRGC’s extraterritorial adventures, in order to provide a comprehensive picture of this powerful but controversial institution.

Suppression of Protests and Human Rights Violations in Iran

From its inception, the IRGC, in addition to its military duties, became the regime’s security and intelligence arm for suppressing dissidents. In recent years, with increasing public discontent and popular uprisings, the IRGC’s role in silencing the voice of protest has become more prominent. These suppressions have included the deployment of Basij forces and anti-riot units under the command of the IRGC in the streets, to the use of the IRGC Intelligence Organization to pursue, arrest, and torture activists and journalists. In the following, we will address the most important cases of internal suppression by the IRGC.

Bloody Suppression of Nationwide Protests

In the past decade, Iran has witnessed several major waves of anti-government protests, each of which has been met with a violent response from security forces, especially the IRGC and the Basij. The IRGC and its subordinate forces have played a central role in these suppressions, sending hundreds of protesters to their deaths. Some prominent examples include:

  • November 2019 Protests: Widespread protests following the increase in gasoline prices were met with an unprecedentedly repressive reaction. IRGC forces, the Basij, and other security forces killed more than 1,500 protesters in less than two weeks. A special report by Reuters confirmed that about 1,500 people, including at least 17 teenagers and about 400 women, were killed in this uprising. This bloody crackdown, which was carried out by order of the regime’s high officials, was dubbed one of the deadliest suppressions in the history of the Islamic Republic. The statistics independently recorded by Amnesty International also confirmed at least 304 deaths. None of the perpetrators of this widespread massacre have been held accountable so far, and the authorities have refused to announce the exact number of victims. According to Human Rights Watch, the Iranian regime has evaded any accountability for the November 2019 massacre, and the families of hundreds of victims are still longing for justice.
  • 2022 Uprising (Protests After the Death of Mahsa Amini): In September 2022, the death of Mahsa (Zhina) Amini in the custody of the Guidance Patrol sparked nationwide protests that continued for months. The IRGC and its subordinate forces once again took to the field with severe violence. According to a report by the Iran Human Rights Organization, in the year following the start of this uprising (until September 2023), at least 551 protesters, including 68 children and 49 women, were killed by security forces. This organized massacre, which was carried out deliberately and planned, is a clear example of a crime against humanity. IRGC and Basij forces directly opened fire on protesters in various cities; many victims died from gunshots to the head and chest. In some cities, such as Zahedan and Kurdistan, the intensity of the suppression was so great that it is referred to as a “massacre.” The official authorities of the Islamic Republic announced the number of deaths to be much lower (about 200 people), which independent sources have rejected. Despite the widespread violence of the government, the Islamic Republic, instead of being accountable, called the protesters “rioters” and even tried to silence the voice of protest by carrying out executions and long prison sentences.
  • Student and Labor Protests: In addition to nationwide uprisings, the IRGC has also been involved in suppressing scattered protests by students, teachers, workers, and retirees in recent years. IRGC intelligence agents, by pre-emptively arresting student and labor activists and fabricating cases against the leaders of labor organizations, have tried to prevent the formation of organized protest movements. For example, in the student protests of December 2017 and November 2019, reports were published about the presence of student Basij forces (affiliated with the IRGC) in identifying and suppressing students. Also, in labor strikes such as the protests of Haft Tappeh Sugarcane and Ahvaz Steel workers, security forces under the supervision of the IRGC arrested many protesting workers and faced them with heavy judicial cases. This trend continued in the 2022 uprising, and hundreds of students were summoned or suspended from their studies by the IRGC Intelligence Organization for participating in protest gatherings. The IRGC’s wave of suppression, from kidnapping protesting students and teenagers to depriving university activists of continuing their education, is all part of a larger project to silence any opposition in the educational and labor environment.

IRGC Intelligence Organization and Systematic Violation of Human Rights

The IRGC Intelligence Organization (SAS), as a parallel security service to the Ministry of Intelligence, has played an increasing role in internal suppression in the past decade. This security institution, which is directly accountable to the IRGC commander-in-chief and the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic, is responsible for many of the fabricated cases, arbitrary arrests, and torture of critics. Contrary to normal judicial procedure, the IRGC Intelligence operates its own prisons and detention centers (such as Ward 2-Alef of Evin Prison), which are outside the supervision of the Prisons Organization, and numerous reports of severe torture have been published in them. Clear examples of human rights violations by the IRGC Intelligence include:

  • Arrest of Journalists and Intellectuals: During the 2022 protests, the IRGC Intelligence, in cooperation with the Ministry of Intelligence, issued a joint statement accusing whistleblower journalists of espionage for foreigners. In this statement, two female journalists, Niloufar Hamedi and Elahe Mohammadi, who covered the news of Mahsa Amini’s death, were introduced and arrested as agents trained by foreign services. Such fabricated accusations paved the way for the long-term imprisonment of these journalists. Also, in previous years, the IRGC Intelligence has arrested dozens of journalists, writers, and cyberspace activists for criticizing the government and forced them to make televised confessions. For example, Reza Shahabi (labor activist), Navid Kamran (student activist), and many others were arrested by SAS and subjected to severe pressure.
  • Filing Cases Against Dual Nationals and Civil Activists: A well-known practice of the IRGC Intelligence is the hostage-taking of foreign nationals or Iranian dual citizens. In recent years, this security institution has arrested people such as Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, Siamak and Baquer Namazi, Morad Tahbaz, and dozens of others on charges of espionage. Long interrogations in solitary confinement, deprivation of a lawyer, and detention in Ward 2-Alef of Evin are among the common features of these cases. Numerous reports indicate that the IRGC Intelligence takes these people hostage in order to gain concessions from Western countries. Also, environmental activists (such as the case of Kavous Seyed Emami’s death in custody), women’s rights activists, and ethnic-religious minorities have repeatedly fallen prey to this organization.
  • Increasing Pressure on Religious Minorities: The suppression of followers of unauthorized religions in Iran (especially the Baha’is) is being pursued increasingly by the IRGC Intelligence. In the latest example, 13 Baha’i citizens were arrested in Isfahan by the IRGC Intelligence Organization. The public relations of the IRGC Intelligence in Isfahan claimed in a statement that these individuals were arrested for “promoting and teaching Baha’i beliefs to children and teenagers.” No information was released about their whereabouts or condition. Human rights organizations emphasize that Baha’is in Iran are systematically harassed simply because of their religious beliefs, and these actions are a clear violation of freedom of religion and human rights. In addition to the Baha’is, the Sunni minority has also not been immune to the suppression of the IRGC Intelligence. For example, after the bloody protests in Zahedan in October 2022, critical Sunni clerics, such as Molavi Abdul Hamid, came under intense security pressure, and their associates were summoned or arrested by the IRGC Intelligence.
  • Torture and Forced Confessions: Human rights organizations have provided evidence of physical and psychological torture of detainees by the IRGC Intelligence. Released political prisoners have recounted that in the solitary cells of the IRGC Intelligence, they were subjected to beatings, electric shocks, threats of harming their families, and induced suffocation in order to confess to fabricated crimes. One of the bitter cases was the death of Sattar Beheshti (worker and blogger) in 2012, who died under torture in the FATA detention center (under the supervision of the IRGC). Although the case became public at that time, the perpetrators were punished to the minimum possible extent. In recent years, less information has come out of the IRGC detention centers, but monitoring organizations believe that systematic torture is still a key tool for suppressing dissidents in the hands of the IRGC Intelligence.

IRGC’s Influence in Political and Cultural Institutions, and Structural Corruption

In addition to street and security suppression, the IRGC has gradually become so intertwined with the political and economic structures of Iran that it has become a hidden state within the official state. The IRGC’s pervasive influence in the country’s pillars has led to widespread structural corruption and the weakening of civil and independent institutions. Some aspects of this IRGC’s grip on the country’s destiny include:

  • Seizure of Government Positions by IRGC Commanders: Since the early 2000s, the presence of IRGC military personnel in key government positions has been increasing. Dozens of former IRGC commanders have entered the Islamic Consultative Assembly, the government, and municipalities. For example, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf (former commander of the IRGC Air Force) is now the Speaker of the Parliament; Ahmad Vahidi (former commander of the Quds Force) is the Minister of Interior; Mohsen Rezaei (former commander of the IRGC) was the Deputy Economic Minister of the President. This trend has caused the IRGC to virtually overshadow domestic politics, and the country’s strategic decisions in the Supreme National Security Council and other forums cannot be made without considering the IRGC’s interests. The result of this situation has been the decline of elected institutions in the face of appointed and military institutions.
  • IRGC’s Economic Empire and Financial Corruption: After the Iran-Iraq War, the IRGC entered the economic arena by establishing the Khatam al-Anbiya Construction Headquarters and quickly took over huge construction and oil contracts. Today, dozens of companies and economic institutions are active under the supervision of the IRGC or the IRGC Cooperative Foundation, which enjoy special exemptions and rents. Privatization in favor of the IRGC has also created widespread corruption; the most famous case was the transfer of 51% of the shares of the Telecommunication Company of Iran to a consortium affiliated with the IRGC in 2009. This large transaction (worth about $8 billion) was carried out without transparent competition and consolidated the IRGC’s influence over the country’s communication networks. Numerous cases of embezzlement and financial corruption are also tied to IRGC institutions, from the financial scandal of Samen al-Hojaj Credit Institution to the case of the IRGC Cooperative Foundation, each time ending in concealment and impunity for the perpetrators. The presence of the IRGC in the smuggling of goods and currency (through wharves and unauthorized borders controlled by the IRGC) has also been reported many times, and some officials have admitted to it. This parallel economy of the IRGC has not only eliminated the competitive environment but also transferred public resources to a specific circle and dragged corruption to the upper echelons of the government.
  • Cultural and Media Hegemony: The IRGC, by forming cultural organizations and headquarters, such as the Sarallah Headquarters in Tehran, or appointing its commanders to the Supreme Council of Cyberspace and the Radio and Television Organization, has also dominated the country’s cultural and media environment. The two major news agencies, Fars and Tasnim, are directly affiliated with the IRGC and act as its propaganda loudspeakers. The IRGC also invests in the production of ideological films and series through the Owj Organization and other affiliated institutions in order to promote its approved narrative. Critical books and publications are confiscated or censored under pressure from these same security institutions. Even in cyberspace, the IRGC’s cyber army has a strong presence in directing public opinion and suppressing the voice of critics. As a result, the country’s cultural and media sphere is heavily dominated by the discourse of the IRGC and the hardline forces aligned with it, and the space for diversity of opinions and independent creativity has become very narrow.
  • Suppression of Ethnic Minorities and Specific Cases of Violence: The IRGC also plays the role of political police in peripheral provinces with ethnic populations (Kurds, Baluchis, Arabs). In Kurdistan, whenever a voice of protest has been raised since the beginning of the revolution, the IRGC has responded with violence. The latest example was the bloody suppression of Kurdish cities in November 2022, when, following the escalation of protests, the IRGC attacked cities such as Mahabad, Javanrud, and Piranshahr with armored vehicles and heavy equipment. Eyewitnesses and published videos show that IRGC and Basij forces also attacked people’s homes in Mahabad and Javanrud and killed dozens of people. According to human rights sources, dozens of Kurdish protesters were killed and hundreds were injured or arrested in these areas on November 19 and 20, 2022 alone. Also, during the same period, the IRGC shelled the positions of Iranian Kurdish parties in Iraqi Kurdistan and killed several civilians, including women and children. In Sistan and Baluchestan province, the IRGC Quds Base is the main security authority and played a role in suppressing Sunni protests. In particular, in the “Bloody Friday of Zahedan” tragedy (September 30, 2022), security forces, including IRGC and Basij units, gunned down dozens of Baluchi worshipers; according to the statistics of human rights organizations, at least 90 people, including 13 children, were killed on that day. This unprecedented massacre, which was carried out in response to a peaceful protest by the people, provoked a wave of international outrage. But instead of accepting responsibility, the IRGC commander of the province accused the Baluchi protesters of being “terrorists,” and no official was punished. All these cases show that the IRGC has not refrained from any violence in maintaining the regime’s political domination over all strata and regions of Iran; whether by responding with bullets to the “Woman, Life, Freedom” cry in the streets, or by chaining civil activists in solitary confinement.

IRGC Interventions in the Region and International Threats

The role of the IRGC is not limited to Iran’s borders; this force, as the main tool of the Islamic Republic to realize its regional ambitions, has been involved in military and political interventions in other countries for more than three decades. In Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and even distant countries such as Venezuela, the IRGC’s presence and influence is evident. Some examples of the IRGC’s extraterritorial actions include:

  • Supporting Proxy Groups: The IRGC’s Quds Force, headed by Esmail Qaani, is responsible for supporting and equipping Shiite paramilitary groups in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon. In Iraq, groups such as the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) were formed with the direct support of the IRGC and played a key role in the fight against ISIS. However, these groups, which are sometimes accused of sectarian actions, are considered one of the main obstacles to the stability of Iraq after ISIS. In Syria, the IRGC, in cooperation with Hezbollah, played a decisive role in suppressing the opposition and maintaining the Assad regime. In Lebanon, Hezbollah, as the IRGC’s main ally, is not only a powerful political and military force, but also practically influences the country’s foreign policy. In Yemen, the IRGC provides financial and military support to the Houthi rebels, who are fighting against the government and Saudi Arabia. This support has prolonged the war in Yemen and caused a humanitarian crisis.
  • Missile Program and Military Threats: The IRGC’s missile program is one of the main concerns of the United States and its allies in the region. Iran’s ballistic missiles, which have the capability to reach targets deep within enemy territory, are considered a major threat to the security of Israel and Saudi Arabia. The IRGC has repeatedly test-fired these missiles and displayed its power. In addition, the IRGC Navy has repeatedly engaged in provocative actions in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz, including seizing foreign ships and confronting American warships.
  • Cyber Attacks: The IRGC’s cyber army is one of the most powerful cyber forces in the world and has been accused of carrying out numerous attacks against the United States, Israel, and other countries. These attacks have targeted government institutions, infrastructure, and private companies. For example, in 2020, the US Department of Justice announced charges against two Iranian hackers affiliated with the IRGC for carrying out cyber attacks against American companies.
  • Assassinations and Terrorist Operations: The Quds Force has been accused of carrying out assassinations and terrorist operations in other countries. In recent years, several Iranian dissidents have been killed in Turkey, Iraq, and Europe, and in some cases, evidence of the IRGC’s involvement has been found. For example, in 2011, the US Department of Justice announced charges against two Iranians for plotting to assassinate the Saudi ambassador in Washington, which was said to have been directed by the Quds Force.

International Reactions and Sanctions

The IRGC’s actions in suppressing domestic protests and intervening in other countries have faced widespread international reactions and sanctions. The United States has designated the IRGC as a terrorist organization and imposed heavy sanctions on it. The European Union has also imposed sanctions on IRGC commanders and institutions involved in human rights violations. These sanctions have had a significant impact on the IRGC’s financial resources and its ability to operate internationally.

Conclusion

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, as a powerful and influential institution, has played a decisive role in the survival of the Islamic Republic regime. However, the IRGC’s actions in suppressing domestic protests, violating human rights, and intervening in other countries have turned it into a controversial and crisis-generating institution. The future of Iran and its relations with the international community largely depends on the change in the IRGC’s approach and behavior.

References: This report has been prepared using numerous Persian and English sources, including statements and reports from international human rights organizations, news from reputable news agencies such as the BBC, Voice of America,…

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hadi khabbaznouri
hadi khabbaznouri
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